Women want sex Clarence

Added: Reisha Cargile - Date: 26.12.2021 07:31 - Views: 14718 - Clicks: 6241

Now, it might seem, is the golden age of female agency—a newly empowered era for women, or something approaching it, a time when cheeky porn stars taunt presidents on Twitter, fed-up movie actresses tell what producers did to them in hotel rooms and restaurant basements, and serial abusers suffer, at long last, some consequences for their acts. Somewhere, as I write this, a once-obscure psychologist named Christine Blasey Ford is asserting her right to tell her story in her own time in her own way—bartering with U.

If you are looking for something to stream this weekend, you could do worse than to watch the full, riveting C-SPAN footage of the Hill-Thomas hearings, in which, for the first time in American history, the august walls of the Senate—and a watching nation—absorbed public talk of things like oral sex and pornography and male entitlement, so shocking then, so drearily familiar now. In many ways, the climate for accusers is better in than it was in For one thing, there now exist four women on the Senate Judiciary Committee, compared with zero back when Hill appeared, a lone figure with a microphone and a glass of water, in the packed caucus room of the Russell Senate Office Building.

Thanks to the courage of victims and the work of reporters, the public attitude toward allegations of sexual assault and harassment has shifted from default skepticism toward cautious willingness to believe. There are more female lawyers, better and smarter preparation for women before they come forward. If nothing else, any victim preparing to talk about harassment or abuse knows, by now, to expect her credibility to be challenged and her morals impugned.

But much, alas, remains strikingly as it was.

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Even now, any woman coming forward, particularly in an environment so charged and partisan, knows that the fury of an entire and very furious political movement will descend upon her. Point being: Even now, even given the remarkable climate-change wrought by the MeToo moment, we are seeing in real time how women can be intimidated by everything from the attacks they face to the constrictions placed on how they can tell their stories. Any woman, like Ford, voicing allegations in such a pressure-cooker setting must know that her participation will be judged, that it will show up in her obituary someday, unbidden, as part of her life story—and part of the story of the nation.

Yet, that testimony has also stood the test of time.

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All those years ago, she foretold truths about human behavior that would not be fully acknowledged for a quarter-century. He underwent an unremarkable Senate confirmation process—until a report was leaked to the media showing that Anita Hill, a University of Oklahoma law professor, had told FBI investigators that Thomas had made uninvited sexual comments when she worked for him at two different government agencies.

In the ensuing uproar, hearings were re-opened, and Hill, who said she never intended to go public, came forward to deliver sworn testimony. The upshot was one of the most gripping Senate hearings ever, as a year-old African-American woman sat at a green-draped table before an all-white, all-male panel and calmly enumerated her charges.

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Why, there is Democratic Senator Joe Biden, his hair not yet white, chairing the committee. There is a youthful Republican Senator Chuck Grassley, the man who chairs it today. After some oddly mesmerizing footage of the 14 senators whispering and shuffling papers as they await her arrival, Hill enters the hearing room wearing a double-breasted turquoise suit featuring the shoulder p so many working women wore back in —literal as well as metaphorical armor deed to mimic the silhouette of a man, at a time when we thought doing so might be helpful.

It is a small moment, but telling. These days, the experience of being interrupted is all too familiar to many women, who, if they have read Lean In or any of a zillion studies about women and work, well know that women are interrupted more than men. Back in Hill, polite and unperturbed, merely started over. She talks about her Baptist faith; about going to Oklahoma State University and law school at Yale; taking a job with a private firm in Washington, but wanting to do work that felt, to her, more fulfilling and socially useful.

Ina colleague introduced her to Clarence Thomas, who was soon appointed assistant secretary for civil rights at the Department of Education, and invited her to come along as his attorney adviser. What she said next is we know now straight out of the Sexual Harassment handbook. Hill assumed—as women do—that the job offer was based on merit.

Within three months, however, Thomas began to chip away at that happy notion, pressuring her to go out with him and drawing pushback from Hill, who thought it was inappropriate and told him so. Her boss, she alleged, continued to press her, and sought private opportunities to discuss his sexual prowess and his porn-watching habits, describing films involving group sex, rape and women having sex with animals. Hill, she says, was horrified.

All this, Hill was forced to utter at a time when the American public was not yet inured to primetime talk of salacious sexual details, nor had any idea what it cost a woman to relive those moments of disgust and degradation. But it was more than just any manel. A colleague would notice—and laugh.

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These, then, were the sages listening as Hill articulated the kind of agony and self-doubt felt by the many actresses, software engineers, producers and journalists whose collective experience would emerge during the cascade of MeToo allegations: A powerful man will take your ambition, your hopes, your self-respect, your intelligence, your trust, and he will use them to his own purposes. At the time, few recognized that what Thomas allegedly did to Hill was classic predator-boss behavior. She described how she had tried to stand up for herself—apparently lacking confidence that she could approach, say, a human resources professional to handle things for her.

In this, her behavior remains true of most employees: According to a study by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, even now, the least common response to harassment is to take action by reporting it or filing a complaint. People who are harassed, the report says, fear disbelief, inaction, blame or retaliation. Exactly what Hill says she did and experienced.

Inwhen her boss took over as chair of none other than the EEOC, he invited her to follow him, and she did, something the committee would home in on as suspiciously career-minded—but which we also know, now, is common. There was no permanent slot for her at the Department of Education, which President Ronald Reagan wanted to abolish, and she wanted to continue working in civil rights.

Not only did her boss allegedly his behavior, but it got weirder. He talked about his penis size, his penchant for oral sex. After this, pubic hair became a kind of national running joke, at a time when an ordinary American might have had a hard time believing a grown man, and an accomplished one, would fixate on such a strange and graphic detail. During her testimony, Hill talked about the toll this took. Thomas, she said, began to exhibit displeasure, and she worried she would lose her job.

In Februaryshe said, she was hospitalized for stomach pain she attributed to stress. She began to look for a job and found a teaching position at Oral Roberts University. After that, when people would say admiring things about Thomas, she would murmur something agreeable but non-committal.

The committee grilled her on this—how could she have agreed?

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How could she have had even infrequent contact with Thomas in later years, by, say, phoning to pass along messages from others? She explained that to tell the world about Thomas would gain her nothing and cost her much. There was not yet an IBelieveHer hashtag. There were not yet hashtags at all. She was in this largely alone. The ordeal would ruin her career in government—she was effectively run out of public service.

The committee did not, at the time, understand that these things are stock behavior. What it did do was ask her to repeat some of the most painful details. Biden wanted to hear the Coke-can-pubic-hair story again. He asked her which incident was the most embarrassing. Specter asked her why she had not given every last detail she was sharing in the hearing room—such as the Coke-can episode—to the FBI agents who had interviewed her before the hearing, and whose report, according to the White House, had exonerated Thomas. One agent was female, one was male. He wanted to know instead why she did not handle all of this by herself, ousting the head of the whole commission.

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In her response, Hill did what women often do—blamed herself. Hill was pilloried for coming forward. I did then, and always have. There is a deeply moving moment after Hill delivers her opening statement, when the hearing doors are opened and her family enters the ornate caucus room. Biden wants them to be able to sit near her.

She hugs them back, gracefully and gratefully. It is hard to imagine why a woman would endure what she did, if it were not true, and why her family would travel to show their support and love. As of this writing, the organized defense of Kavanaugh seemed to entail inviting people, including women, to testify to his character, rather than to impugn hers. Women often do feel more empowered: Stormy Daniels is lobbing her saucy tweets in the direction of the White House; the women of Silicon Valley have formed advocacy groups to make the tech industry friendlier to them; Hollywood actresses are launching defense funds for hotel workers and lower-income women.

Everybody knows, now, that pornography is a major industry. Men have been suspended, fired, charged criminally, even convicted for harassment and assault; in some cases, women have been promoted into their places. Then again, the digital age brings new peril for victims coming forward. Ford has been the target of unfounded internet rumors—about her career, her family, her politics—and now, having received death threats, has had to vacate her house. Ford was as bad as she says, charges would have been immediately filed with local Law Enforcement Authorities by either her or her loving parents.

It is noteworthy that the Senate Judiciary Committee is encouraging Ford to speak, and that it now includes female members, though all are Democrats. There has never been a female Republican on the committee, ever. Ford suffered for decades from what she says happened to her as a young teenager. There are notes from her therapist corroborating what she went through, and the very fact that she was talking about it in counseling, so many years later, shows the lasting toll these assaults take, the scars they leave, the pain that comes with unearthing and sharing those memories.

For me, she is up there with Rosa Parks: courageous, staunch, calm, not to be moved. Rewatching the hearings is like rereading Anna Karenina and realizing, once more, how brilliant it is—and for different reasons than you perceived the first time.

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She was there to prophesy, articulating patterns of behavior that much of the rest of the country would take decades to pinpoint and understand. For the same reason, I would hope that Ford, having come this far, would indeed face the klieg lights and testify, as she has said she intends to—tell her story on the record to be understood and reflected upon, visited and revisited.

It will not be easy. History will judge her, and that is a lot for a private individual to reckon with—one who will not benefit regardless of the outcome. We have, after all, heard this song before. Perhaps this time we will listen. Continue to article content. Share on Facebook Share on Twitter. More on Magazine.

Women want sex Clarence

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Deconstructing Clarence Thomas